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Scholars Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences | Volume-4 | Issue-03
The Regional competition for the leadership of the Middle East region (Yet “leadership” is a highly subjective word. What kind of “leadership?” and from whose perspective?)
Mohammad Salim Al-Rawashdeh,
Published: March 31, 2016 | 184 167
DOI: 10.36347/sjahss.2016.v04i03.003
Pages: 176-192
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Abstract
Two of the dominant themes of discussion in international relations scholarship over the last decade have been global governance and rising powers. Underlying both discussions are profound ethical questions about how the world should be ordered, who is responsible for addressing global problems, how change can be managed, and how global governance can be made to work for peoples in developing as well as developed states. Specially the Middle East. Yet, these are often not addressed or only briefly mentioned as ethical dilemmas by commentators. Never have so many crises engulfed the Middle East at the same time. From the rise of Islamic State in Iraq and the civil wars in Libya, Syria, and Yemen, to the deteriorating security situation in Egypt, the region is in an unprecedented state of flux. At the same time, there is a deep feeling among many Arab states that the United States has lost interest in, if not effectively withdrawn from, the region. For Gulf States in particular there is a fear that Washington has struck a Faustian bargain with Tehran, ceding it regional primacy in return for a nuclear agreement. The region of the Middle East is highly conflict-loaded. The absence of one distinct regional power may be considered both cause and consequence of this structural feature. At the same time, there are significant power gaps between states in the Middle East, with Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Israel and Iran among the most powerful actors and accordingly defined as a potential regional power. Due to the specific empirical setting of the Middle East region, an analytical design emphasizing relational and procedural dynamics is required. In attempting to develop such a design, this paper utilizes three well-established schools of thought of international relations: (neo) realism, institutionalism, and constructivism. These three schools of thought are further used for developing hypotheses on both Arab regional policy and its effects on the Middle East. After illustratin